BANGKOK — A pro-military party in Thailand on Monday celebrated its lead in the vote count in this weekend’s elections, hinting that the army’s grip since seizing power in a 2014 coup would likely endure.
The early result, which may not be finalized for days, signaled how Thailand, one of the most stable American allies in Southeast Asia, allows the military to dominate governance, even as other countries in the region have kept soldiers away from politics.
The Sunday vote also showed how the Thai military, which has orchestrated a dozen coups over the past nine decades, is using a fresh tactic: elections to entrench its power.
While voting may nurture democracy elsewhere, Thailand’s political system is strangled by complicated rules designed to perpetuate the military’s authority. Neither the popular vote nor the number of contested seats in this parliamentary election will have much of a democratizing effect.
A full unofficial count of the vote was not expected until late this week. The official results might not be released until early May.
A partial count showed that a populist party, Pheu Thai, which lagged in the popular vote, had nonetheless so far collected the largest number of parliamentary seats — 137 in the 500-seat Lower House. The party represents the interests of Thaksin Shinawatra, a polarizing former prime minister as beloved by the rural poor as he is disdained by the establishment elite.
Still, forces loyal to Prayuth Chan-ocha, the leader of the junta that orchestrated the 2014 coup, said he appeared poised to continue as prime minister. The pro-military party that nominated him, Palang Pracharat, had so far collected just 97 seats in the Lower House but had more of the popular vote than its populist rival.
Because the country’s military-drafted Constitution ensures that the 250-member Senate is entirely appointed by the military, Mr. Prayuth may be able to count on enough votes from both sides of Parliament to keep the top job.
In an unusual twist in a parliamentary democracy, a candidate for prime minister in Thailand need not be an elected member of Parliament.
Purawich Watanasukh, a research fellow at King Prajadhipok’s Institute in Thailand, said he was “quite surprised” with the military party’s strong performance in the popular vote. Mr. Purawich was among many analysts who had predicted that Mr. Prayuth’s perceived lack of popularity might hurt him.
Regardless, support for the junta was stacked even before voting began. And the vote was filled with reports of irregularities and concerns about repeated delays in announcing the results.
Uttama Savanayana, Palang Pracharat’s party leader, said in a news conference on Monday afternoon that “we have stated from the beginning that any party that gets the most votes is able to form a government.”
Kobsak Pootrakool, a spokesman for Palang Pracharat, said that “the votes from the people are the voice from heaven,” before acknowledging that the work of coalition-making still loomed.
On Friday, Mr. Prayuth, a former army chief with an ambivalent attitude toward democracy, spoke of his commitment to his homeland.
“I love Thailand, and I would die for this country,” he said at a political rally.
On Monday afternoon, the Election Commission, which was appointed by the junta, delayed for the third time releasing its unofficial count for unexplained reasons. Such postponements had never occurred, Thai election experts said.
The commission then said winners of 350 seats would be announced first, but results for the remaining 150 seats would take at least four more days.
With reports of irregularities increasing, the delays made election monitors nervous.
“My understanding is that the Election Commission has an obligation to continue counting the ballots through the night, so this is potentially problematic or illegal,” said Pandit Chanrochanakit, the deputy dean of the political science department at Chulalongkorn University in Bangkok.
Before the elections, diplomats in Bangkok warned that any delay in announcing the results might raise concerns, especially since relatively few independent election observers had been deployed.
Mr. Pandit said hundreds of students organized by a scholars’ alliance that had spread across the country to observe had found “some problems that make this election not free or fair.”
The number of invalidated ballots was nearly 6 percent, the commission said, and 1.5 percent of ballots recorded no vote at all.
Sudarat Keyuraphan, Pheu Thai’s candidate for prime minister, urged normal politics to prevail.
“No matter the outcome, whichever party obtains the majority vote should get to form a coalition government first,” she said. “We don’t want to fight with anyone for power.”
In May, when the official election results might be released, the country will be marking the coronation of King Maha Vajiralongkorn Bodindradebayavarangkun.
In a constitutional monarchy with some of the world’s harshest royal defamation laws, any political instability before then could be viewed as detrimental to national unity.
Anti-junta forces are composed of both working-class people loyal to Mr. Thaksin’s populist party and an urban elite weary of polarized politics.
“I have my own voice now, and I want a new voice to fix the country and bring the country into a better direction with a better economy,” said Panita Dispueng, a university student and first-time voter.
Future Forward, a new party founded by Thanathorn Juangroongruangkit, an heir to an auto parts fortune, won a surprising number of seats in the partial count of Sunday’s elections, a remarkable feat for a party that didn’t exist a year ago.
Mr. Thanathorn, one of the junta’s staunchest critics, has called for the nation’s military budget to be slashed.
Much remains unknown about how politics will unfold in the coming months, especially since the military-drafted Constitution has introduced byzantine regulations.
In the meantime, some of the pro-democracy parties are facing potential existential crises. Pheu Thai could be dissolved if outstanding complaints against the party move forward.
Mr. Thaksin, the spiritual godfather of the Pheu Thai party, is in overseas exile after corruption-linked convictions, as is his sister, Yingluck Shinawatra, another former prime minister.
Other parties, including Future Forward, have criminal cases against their executives hanging over them. Mr. Thanathorn, of Future Forward, could find out as early as Tuesday whether he will face jail time for a computer crimes charge that stemmed from a Facebook Live video he gave last year.
Human rights groups say the charge, which his deputy also faces, is politically motivated.B:
快三开奖结果湖北遗漏“【等】【一】【下】，【我】【还】【有】【事】，【你】【先】【别】【走】，【还】【有】【一】【件】【非】【常】【重】【要】【的】【事】【情】【要】【和】【你】【说】。”【药】【生】【突】【然】【想】【起】【来】【有】【件】【事】，【然】【后】【赶】【紧】【敲】【开】【了】【他】【的】【门】。 【胡】【汉】【三】【赶】【紧】【开】【门】，【于】【是】【抱】【住】【了】【药】【生】：“【大】【兄】【弟】，【你】【小】【点】【声】，【要】【是】【被】【外】【面】【的】【人】【听】【到】，【那】【你】【也】【一】【样】【要】【倒】【霉】，【这】【个】【村】【子】【大】【晚】【上】【是】【要】【睡】【觉】【的】，【不】【睡】【觉】【的】【人】【都】【得】【死】，【你】【明】【白】【吗】？” “【那】【个】【我】【就】【是】
【宁】【千】【好】【没】【来】，【第】【二】【天】【罗】【亦】【平】【的】【司】【机】【小】【米】【去】【宁】【千】【好】【家】【里】【接】【她】【时】，【她】【不】【在】【家】。【确】【切】【地】【说】，【没】【人】【开】【门】。 【小】【米】【敲】【了】【半】【天】【门】【没】【有】【回】【应】，【打】【宁】【千】【好】【的】【电】【话】【是】【关】【机】【状】【态】，【眼】【看】【航】【班】【时】【间】【快】【到】【了】，【才】【打】【电】【话】【找】【罗】【亦】【平】【汇】【报】。 【叶】【知】【秋】【一】【接】【到】【消】【息】，【便】【往】【宁】【千】【好】【家】【里】【的】【固】【定】【电】【话】【上】【打】，【依】【然】【没】【人】【接】。 【她】【急】【得】【团】【团】【转】，“【亦】【平】，【报】【警】
“【我】【也】【想】【做】【楚】【留】【香】！【我】【的】【天】，【多】【帅】【啊】，【玉】【树】【临】【风】，【拈】【花】【一】【笑】，【简】【直】【就】【是】【梦】【中】【的】【人】【物】。【要】【是】【真】【的】【就】【好】，【我】【绝】【对】【嫁】【个】【他】。” 【女】【孩】【的】【声】【音】【回】【荡】【在】【教】【室】【里】，【让】【所】【有】【人】【都】【一】【阵】【无】【语】。 “【我】【说】【你】【喜】【欢】【的】【真】【是】【楚】【留】【香】，【你】【可】【能】【喜】【欢】【的】【是】【许】【坷】【吧】。【话】【说】，【许】【坷】【演】【的】【真】【是】【好】，【而】【且】【那】【种】【风】【流】【气】【质】，【简】【直】【是】【让】【人】【忍】【不】【住】【沉】【醉】【啊】，【太】【帅】【了】
【一】【个】【小】【兔】【子】【不】【一】【会】【就】【马】【上】【被】【捏】【出】【来】【了】，【插】【在】【竹】【签】【子】【上】，【惟】【妙】【惟】【肖】。 “【哇】！【好】【甜】【啊】！” 【安】【娜】【惊】【讶】【的】【放】【在】【嘴】【里】。 【老】【人】【家】【看】【着】【安】【娜】，【有】【些】【宠】【溺】【的】【说】【到】，“【看】【小】【姑】【娘】【我】【就】【想】【起】【我】【的】【女】【儿】【了】，【她】【也】【像】【你】【一】【样】，【喜】【欢】【吃】【这】【个】【唐】【人】，快三开奖结果湖北遗漏【下】【午】【来】【看】【病】【的】【病】【人】【还】【是】【挺】【多】【的】，【洛】【浅】【根】【本】【没】【有】【心】【思】【去】【关】【注】【急】【诊】【室】【那】【边】【到】【底】【发】【生】【了】【什】【么】，【进】【展】【如】【何】，【她】【连】【出】【一】【次】【办】【公】【室】【的】【时】【间】【都】【没】【有】。 “【这】【是】【两】【副】【中】【药】，【你】【每】【天】【下】【午】【五】【点】【之】【前】【要】【去】【中】【药】【房】【拿】。”【洛】【浅】【把】【药】【方】【递】【给】【了】【他】。 【其】【实】【为】【了】【便】【利】，【她】【还】【是】【会】【把】【这】【些】【输】【入】【电】【脑】，【毕】【竟】【大】【家】【都】【是】【依】【靠】【市】【民】【卡】【走】【遍】H【市】【的】，【在】【医】【院】【里】
【偌】【大】【的】【客】【厅】【生】【生】【寂】【静】【了】【两】【秒】，【夜】【色】【温】【柔】【地】【笼】【罩】【着】【方】【公】【馆】，【静】【静】【地】【守】【护】【着】【这】【一】【隅】【安】【宁】。 【邱】【琦】【兰】【简】【直】【难】【以】【置】【信】，【老】【太】【太】【竟】【会】【说】【出】【这】【样】【的】【一】【番】【话】。 【苏】【杭】【不】【过】【是】【一】【个】【名】【不】【见】【经】【转】【的】【小】【姑】【娘】，【准】【确】【地】【来】【说】，【苏】【杭】【曾】【经】【臭】【名】【昭】【著】，【若】【不】【是】【阿】【衍】【费】【了】【心】【思】【替】【她】【洗】【白】，【她】【哪】【会】【有】【现】【在】【的】【前】【程】。 【老】【太】【太】【竟】【说】【阿】【衍】【勉】【强】【配】【得】【上】【她】？
【门】【外】【的】【闹】【剧】，【开】【始】【的】【突】【然】，【结】【束】【的】【也】【迅】【速】，【在】【汤】【晓】【晓】【听】【到】【声】【音】【的】【时】【候】，【那】【一】【切】，【已】【经】【不】【过】【只】【是】【一】【个】【抬】【头】【之】【间】【的】【事】。 【然】【后】【一】【切】【仍】【是】【安】【静】【的】，【在】【这】【个】【房】【间】【里】，【在】【这】【个】【属】【于】【她】【一】【个】【人】【的】【地】【方】。 【只】【是】【属】【于】【她】【的】【时】【间】【也】【许】【没】【那】【么】【长】，【当】【敲】【门】【声】【响】【起】【的】【时】【候】，【汤】【晓】【晓】【看】【着】【仍】【然】【隔】【绝】【着】【与】【外】【面】【这】【个】【世】【界】【的】【门】，【她】【知】【道】【后】【面】【是】【谁】，
【同】【一】【时】【刻】，【高】【谭】【市】【城】【西】，【市】【郊】【某】【农】【家】【乐】【饭】【店】【大】【堂】 【罗】【宾】：“（【突】【然】【感】【到】【一】【阵】【恶】【寒】）”——【皱】【眉】 【邓】【特】：“（【发】【觉】）【怎】【么】【了】？【菜】【不】【合】【胃】【口】？”——【停】【下】【筷】【子】 【罗】【宾】：“【不】【是】，【我】【也】【搞】【不】【清】【楚】（【转】【动】【脖】【子】）【后】【背】，【莫】【名】【其】【妙】【的】【发】【凉】。”——【不】【舒】【服】 【邓】【特】：“（【瞅】【向】【【罗】【宾】】【的】‘【主】【治】【医】【生】’-